bookrebus Chapter 725 The Sun Never Sets, The Sun Has Set
Chapter 725 The Sun Never Sets, The Sun Has Set
Wavell took a deep breath, as if gathering his last bit of strength:
"From a purely tactical perspective, some of the operations we carried out privately, such as appropriately guiding the conflict between the Congress Party and the Muslim League to make them wear each other down, bought us time and maximized the preservation of our influence, and achieved some results in the early stages."
“But,” Wavell changed the subject, his fingers tapping unconsciously on the report cover, “a variable we hadn’t fully anticipated has completely changed the game: the deep involvement of the United States of Southeast Asia.”
He raised his head, his gaze sweeping over the assembled high-ranking officials:
"Their approach to intervention is... novel. It's not a traditional military occupation or political puppetry, but a sophisticatedly packaged commercial security service. They've armed Hyderabad, trained the northeastern states, and now they've even seized a key port on the east coast."
As a result, the relatively clear standoff we envisioned—with at least half of India confronting the other half—is no longer possible.
“Now,” Wavell pointed to the huge map of India on the wall behind him, as if it were a painful scar, “at least six important princely states—Hyderabad, Assam, Manipur, and others, as well as the surrounding areas affected by the Chittagong port agreement—have substantially sided with Southeast Asia.”
This means that, from the moment of their inception, the authority of either the Indian government led by the National Congress faction or the Star-Moon Alliance's proposed Star-Moon Kingdom will be permanently weakened.
The geopolitical landscape of the subcontinent is no longer a simple dichotomy, but has become a more volatile, complex, and uncertain chessboard. And Southeast Asia has firmly occupied several key nodes on this chessboard.
He concluded in a low but weighty voice:
“We have built up a traditional influence, network of contacts, and security framework on the subcontinent over a century, and have therefore lost more than a fifth of it. Moreover, given the robustness of the Southeast Asian model and its deep ties with local powers, this loss… is irreparable.”
The meeting room was deathly silent, except for the crackling sound of burning wood in the fireplace.
Chancellor of the Exchequer Dalton remained calm. In any case, the main idea of the Attlee cabinet was to reduce spending and cut costs. Regardless of whether Southeast Asia was involved or not, he had already achieved his goal of increasing revenue and reducing expenditure.
Foreign Secretary Bevin frowned.
The newly appointed Governor of India, Lord Louis Mountbatten, known for his competence and aristocratic demeanor, broke the silence with a light cough.
He was about to head to India to clean up this mess, or rather, to carry out a dignified retreat.
“Viscount Wavell’s analysis is very insightful,” Mountbatten began with a formal statement. “So, a direct question is whether we can use diplomacy, economics, or even limited deterrence to pressure the South Seas into withdrawing, or at least significantly reducing, their presence on the subcontinent, and restoring some kind of… balance?”
All eyes turned to Foreign Secretary Bevin.
A bitter smile appeared on the face of this Labour Party senior official as he took off his glasses and slowly wiped them.
“Pressure? Louis, in theory we can protest, issue diplomatic notes, and condemn in international forums.” Bevin’s voice was filled with a deep sense of powerlessness, “but in practice… the effect would probably be negligible.”
He put his glasses back on, and his gaze sharpened.
"We sounded out the White House. The Truman administration's attitude was very...ambiguous."
On the one hand, they acknowledge that we are an important ally, but on the other hand, many White Eagle strategists privately believe that a rapidly rising, non-red, and objectively restraining Southeast Asia's post-war influence is not necessarily a bad thing.
This aligns with their mindset of maintaining a balance of power. More importantly…
Bevin paused for a moment, then looked at Prime Minister Attlee, who nodded slightly, signaling him to continue.
“More importantly, we are weak ourselves.” Bevin’s voice lowered. “We need the Marshall Plan. We need loans and supplies from the White Eagle to rebuild our domestic economy.”
At this critical juncture, is it worthwhile to confront a regional power with an ambiguous stance towards the White Eagle and possessing nuclear weapons, all for the sake of a former colony's sphere of influence in the Far East?
The cabinet will not approve it, the senator will not support it, and the public will not understand it.
There was another moment of silence.
Prime Minister Attlee finally spoke, setting the tone for the discussion: "So, based on Viscount Wavell's report and Ernest's analysis, the Cabinet concludes that we must realistically acknowledge that the United States of Southeast Asia has already gained a permanent strategic foothold and influence in the Indian subcontinent."
This is not what we wanted, but it's a fait accompli.
He looked at Mountbatten: "Louis, your core mission in India is to complete the transfer of power as smoothly as possible, achieve partition, and avoid a large-scale war, at least not under our noses."
As for the Southeast Asian factor... it is regarded as an important regional actor that must be treated with caution and should not be easily provoked.
If possible, try to get in touch, understand their bottom line, and avoid unnecessary friction.
The era of empires is over; we are now… a European nation that needs to be careful with its finances.
"The sun never sets, but it has finally set," a veteran cabinet member muttered under his breath, and no one objected.
Lord Mountbatten nodded solemnly.
He took over what was perhaps the most troublesome and humiliating governorship in the history of the empire.
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On the other side of the blue planet, in Delhi, in the conference hall of the National Congress headquarters.
"boom!"
A beautiful Daxia porcelain teacup was slammed onto the marble floor and shattered, splattering brown tea stains everywhere.
Jawaharlal Nehru stood before the long table, his chest heaving violently, his usual gentle demeanor replaced by an almost ferocious rage.
On the wall behind him hung a portrait of Mahatma, whose benevolent gaze seemed to be watching the conflict.
“Hyderabad, Visakhapatnam, the northeastern states… and those restless little princely states.” Nehru’s voice trembled with excitement. “Every inch of these places is a sacred and inseparable part of Mother India.”
These are the lands that flow in the blood of our nation, but what have they become? They've become military bases in Southeast Asia, showcases of Southeast Asia's so-called 'security services,' and thorns and spikes planted in the heart of our future republic.
The meeting room was completely silent, save for Nehru's heavy breathing.
Several party elders exchanged worried glances.
Finally, Mr. Shahnawaz, a highly experienced elder who had fought alongside Nehru in the independence movement, slowly spoke:
“Jawaharlal… Perhaps we shouldn’t have been so hasty and thorough in tearing up the cabinet mission plan back then.”
That plan at least guaranteed a high degree of autonomy for the Crescent Moon Province, maintaining a superficially unified framework.
At the time, we thought it was weakness, a conspiracy by the John men… but now it seems it might have been a buffer. Our resolute refusal gave Jinnah the perfect excuse for secession, and also gave Southeast Asia… the opportunity and space to take advantage of the situation.”